Gallipoli, humanity… quo vadis?

Only in dreams, memories of yesterdays are seen and hear. 
Every night, thunders of volley guns and howls of cries 
Of men and women shiver us in our dreams. 
See, a shadow holding a scythe. Death is upon us! 
Abrupt expiry of courageous juveniles is hunting the future. 
Only hope is left for us. A desire to live, and to love. 
Wishing, that one day, morning dew may fell upon our face.
No more black smokes – vapor of bloodshed.
A sigh of relief and breath of new life.
Gallipoli, are we here to stay?
The story of Gallipoli is not unitary. Thousands of stories fill up the emptiness of curiosity. It expresses an inquisitiveness of actuations of brave souls who fought and died. Two opposing narratives are billowing Gallipoli: a campaign to take over Hellespont and a defense to rebuild imperial sovereignty. Beyond from these narratives, a resounding phenomenon is about to be born. Reverberating from Augsburg (1555), Westphalia (1648), England (1688), Philadelphia (1776), Paris (1789) to Istanbul (1923), and fostered by the Enlightenment thinkers. It is that idea that resuscitates glories of the past, the will to live together in the present, and sacrifices to be performed for the future. Nationalism is imagined, principally political but sometimes cultural, perceived to be homogenous, and yet very territorial.
Nationalism became the source of conflicts and wars for the next century. Many communities victoriously fought to express nationalistic desire (e.g. the recent ones are Tuvalu, Serbia, Kiribati, Nauru, Timor Leste, Montenegro, Kosovo, and South Sudan), while some are still fighting for it until now (e.g. Moros in the Philippines, Rohingyas in Burma, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Uighurs and Tibetans in China, Kashmiris between India and Pakistan, Basques in Spain and France, Kurds in Turkey, Scottish and Ulster Irish in UK, etcetera). The legendary hero, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who aimed for solidarity and unity among his people, lay the foundations for the birth of the Republic of Turkey. It also marked the beginning of national consciousness for Australians and New Zealanders, as they annually commemorate Gallipoli during the Anzac Day.
Why nationalism is so fervor and powerful, that it can stand on its own amidst the hegemonies of religion, democracy, capitalism, secularism or sovereignty? Although some of those elements may complement nationalism. It is only a matter of fact that it has directly affected the psyche of human beings. Before, individuals voluntarily sacrificed themselves for their personal beliefs or religion, but now, it is the nation (or country) that directly commands them to die for her even without their consent. Does this lead to an increased cohesion and solidarity of trust within a nation? What are the moral consequences of nationalist exclusion? Do minorities have voices and spaces in the socio-political configuration of a nation?
It is ironic to wonder that majority of communities in Europe are aspiring to become one, as personified by the emergence and development of the European Union. Several centuries long, there is a plethora of kingdoms and states in Europe, while there are few polities in the Orient, e.g. the Andalusians (711-1492), Safavids (1501-1736), Mughals (1526-1857), and Ottomans (1299-1923). And suddenly, at the behest of colonial powers, the Orient and the Far East disintegrated into numerous nations expressed by interlinking identities and norms such as languages, religions, customary traditions, ethnicities, political ideologies, territorial boundaries, and among others.
Gallipoli may be a blessing for the Turkish republic, but it is certainly not for the ummah (community of believers in Islam). Was it necessary for Atatürk to abolish the Caliphate? It could have remained symbolic in nature comparable with many monarchies in Europe and Asia, where there is the head of the government while the monarch/caliph holds a titular position. This led to a vacuum in search for a symbolic reference and political maneuvering of the imagined ummah, where for four decades of exportation of radical and exclusivist Wahhabi-styled Islam financed by Saudian petro-dollars is unfortunately becoming the dominant image of Islam. Far from what the Qur’an and the Sunnah taught the believers, in respect to the formative years of pluralistic Muslim community. Now, the Orient is beleaguered with a self-styled Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL/Daesh), a result of decades-long agony of penetration from external forces including socio-political and economical stagnations that are voided of intellectual self-criticism of its people.
This is a start of an advent into a different Jahiliyya, full of expediencies and opportunism, and losing the moral and ethical essence of humanity. Where are we heading?
NB. My entry for the 2015 International Essay Competition on “Gallipoli: 100 Years, 1000 Stories of Humanity” organized by the Islamic Conference Youth Forum for Dialogue and Cooperation (ICYF-DC), an affiliated institution of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

Gallipoli, humanity… quo vadis?

Only in dreams, memories of yesterdays are seen and hear.
Every night, thunders of volley guns and howls of cries
Of men and women shiver us in our dreams.
See, a shadow holding a scythe. Death is upon us!
Abrupt expiry of courageous juveniles is hunting the future.
Only hope is left for us. A desire to live, and to love.
Wishing, that one day, morning dew may fell upon our face.
No more black smokes – vapor of bloodshed.
A sigh of relief and breath of new life.
Gallipoli, are we here to stay?

The story of Gallipoli is not unitary. Thousands of stories fill up the emptiness of curiosity. It expresses an inquisitiveness of actuations of brave souls who fought and died. Two opposing narratives are billowing Gallipoli: a campaign to take over Hellespont and a defense to rebuild imperial sovereignty. Beyond from these narratives, a resounding phenomenon is about to be born. Reverberating from Augsburg (1555), Westphalia (1648), England (1688), Philadelphia (1776), Paris (1789) to Istanbul (1923), and fostered by the Enlightenment thinkers. It is that idea that resuscitates glories of the past, the will to live together in the present, and sacrifices to be performed for the future. Nationalism is imagined, principally political but sometimes cultural, perceived to be homogenous, and yet very territorial.

Nationalism became the source of conflicts and wars for the next century. Many communities victoriously fought to express nationalistic desire (e.g. the recent ones are Tuvalu, Serbia, Kiribati, Nauru, Timor Leste, Montenegro, Kosovo, and South Sudan), while some are still fighting for it until now (e.g. Moros in the Philippines, Rohingyas in Burma, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Uighurs and Tibetans in China, Kashmiris between India and Pakistan, Basques in Spain and France, Kurds in Turkey, Scottish and Ulster Irish in UK, etcetera). The legendary hero, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who aimed for solidarity and unity among his people, lay the foundations for the birth of the Republic of Turkey. It also marked the beginning of national consciousness for Australians and New Zealanders, as they annually commemorate Gallipoli during the Anzac Day.

Gallipoli may be a blessing for the Turkish republic, but it is certainly not for the ummah

Why nationalism is so fervor and powerful, that it can stand on its own amidst the hegemonies of religion, democracy, capitalism, secularism or sovereignty? Although some of those elements may complement nationalism. It is only a matter of fact that it has directly affected the psyche of human beings. Before, individuals voluntarily sacrificed themselves for their personal beliefs or religion, but now, it is the nation (or country) that directly commands them to die for her even without their consent. Does this lead to an increased cohesion and solidarity of trust within a nation? What are the moral consequences of nationalist exclusion? Do minorities have voices and spaces in the socio-political configuration of a nation?

It is ironic to wonder that majority of communities in Europe are aspiring to become one, as personified by the emergence and development of the European Union. Several centuries long, there is a plethora of kingdoms and states in Europe, while there are few polities in the Orient, e.g. the Andalusians (711-1492), Safavids (1501-1736), Mughals (1526-1857), and Ottomans (1299-1923). And suddenly, at the behest of colonial powers, the Orient and the Far East disintegrated into numerous nations expressed by interlinking identities and norms such as languages, religions, customary traditions, ethnicities, political ideologies, territorial boundaries, and among others.

Gallipoli may be a blessing for the Turkish republic, but it is certainly not for the ummah (community of believers in Islam). Was it necessary for Atatürk to abolish the Caliphate? It could have remained symbolic in nature comparable with many monarchies in Europe and Asia, where there is the head of the government while the monarch/caliph holds a titular position. This led to a vacuum in search for a symbolic reference and political maneuvering of the imagined ummah, where for four decades of exportation of radical and exclusivist Wahhabi-styled Islam financed by Saudian petro-dollars is unfortunately becoming the dominant image of Islam. Far from what the Qur’an and the Sunnah taught the believers, in respect to the formative years of pluralistic Muslim community. Now, the Orient is beleaguered with a self-styled Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL/Daesh), a result of decades-long agony of penetration from external forces including socio-political and economical stagnations that are voided of intellectual self-criticism of its people.

This is a start of an advent into a different Jahiliyya, full of expediencies and opportunism, and losing the moral and ethical essence of humanity. Where are we heading?

Gallipoli, humanity… Quo Vadis?

The essay was published at Istanbul-based Turkey Agenda on March 24, 2015 and at Sweden-based Your Middle East on April 29, 2015. It received a citation of ‘special award’ certificate only from the organizers on April 27, 2015 held at the Elite World Istanbul Hotel.

Highly Recommended Degree Program on Islamic Studies Worldwide

For those who would like to study a degree program on Islamic Studies, here are my highly recommended specialized/higher learning institutions where ijtihad (independent thinking) and academic freedom are commonly practiced:

1. University of Chicago (USA) https://divinity.uchicago.edu/islamic-studies
2. McGill University (Canada) http://www.mcgill.ca/islamicstudies/
3. University of Oxford (UK) http://www.orinst.ox.ac.uk/iw/index.html
4. Marmara University (Turkey) http://ilahiyat.marmara.edu.tr/tr/
5. International Islamic University Malaysia http://www.iium.edu.my/

My recommended top contemporary scholars of Islam that have sophisticated scholarship and great contributions to the literature (in no particular order):

Mohammed Arkoun
Khaled Abou el Fadl
Wael B. Hallaq
Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Fazlur Rahman
Tariq Ramadan
William Montgomery Watt
Franz Rosenthal
Timothy Winter
Anthony Black
Omid Safi
Abdolkarim Soroush
Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas
Fred McGraw Donner
John L. Esposito
Ingrid Mattson
Alparslan Açıkgenç
Sherman A. Jackson
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
Mohammed Fadel
Mohammad Hassan Khalil
Muhammad Iqbal
Ali Shariati
Louay M. Safi
Martin Lings
Muqtedar Khan
Jonathan A.C. Brown
Marshall G.S. Hodgson
Muhammad Asad
Sayyid Qutb
Rashid Rida
Yusuf al-Qaradawi
Abul A’la Maududi
Muhammad Abduh
Said Nursi
Marmaduke Pickthall
Hamza Yusuf
Warith Deen Mohammed
Taha Abderrahmane
Hassan Hanafi
Abdulaziz Sachedina
Hamid Dabashi
Amina Wadud
Akbar Ahmed
Ziauddin Sardar
Edip Yuksel
Reza Aslan
Ebrahim E.I. Moosa
Farid Esack
Nader Hashemi
Timur R. Yuskaev
John O. Voll
Olivier Roy
Andrew March
Carl W. Ernst

Addendum (for your reference): International Institute of Islamic Thought http://iiit.org/Home/tabid/36/Default.aspx

Co-IRIS Panel at Sakarya University’s Middle Eastern Congress

sakarya

Co-IRIS Panel: Islamic Perspectives on Theory and Praxis in International Relations

Chair: Nassef Manabilang Adiong

The 2nd Middle Eastern Congress on Politics and Society is organized by the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies of Sakarya University and will take place in Sakarya, Turkey on 14-17 October 2014.

1st Presenter: [Yusuf Sayın] ABSENT

Editor of Strategic Outlook and PhD Candidate in IR at Selcuk University

Foreign Policy Analysis in Islam and International Relations

The relation of religion to International Relations is usually seen as a Western construct patterned through the historicity of Christianity in Western Europe. Thus, the historical patterns of other religions, particularly Islam, has been untowardly ignored or not given equal attention by IR scholars focusing on comparative studies between religion and IR. Generally, case studies are concentrated on foreign policy analysis and its impact of state and non-state actors with strong religious affinities. Consequently, religious influences in analyzing foreign policy oftentimes extend in both dimensions and angles, and are clear-cut and evidentiary due to an irrefutable reality of complicated structure of the nature of international politics. The paper seeks to present contemporary findings of Islamic contributions assisted by Islamic jurisprudence and law in foreign policy analysis including selected religious actors in the international system of the Muslim world.

2nd Presenter: Tareq Sharawi

PhD student at the Alliance of Civilizations Institute in Istanbul

Comparative Analogy of War between Classical Islamicists and Hedley Bull

War, according to Hedley Bull, is presented as organized violence waged between political entities. This position, rightfully accepted in essence and meaning, presupposes that the interrelated ends of war are both political entities. In modern times, one could argue, these political entities are represented by states. In the Islamic discourse, however, war has traditionally been linked with the body of the Muslim community, the Ummah, as an entity. But the notion that the concept of war in Islam should necessarily be tied to a political entity has caused some confusion; certainly, groups who seem to lack proper political organization are conducting violence against groups far from political entities while giving the description of ‘war’ to their acts. In this paper, I will base my discussion on classical Islamic texts and historical pointers from the Medina period of the birth of Islam to argue that the concept of war in Islam does not escape Bull’s presentation. I will humbly try to draw from the historical insights a coherent understanding of the link between war, the Ummah as an organized political entity, and perhaps, the modern nation-state.

3rd Presenter: Fadi Zatari

PhD student at the Alliance of Civilizations Institute in Istanbul

The Concept of Enemy in the Hamas Ideology

The Islamic movement of Hamas-controlled Palestine historically traces its roots from the Muslim Brotherhood, which was established in 1928 as the first Islamic movement in Egypt. The study aims to fulfill research gaps and look for alternative approaches to the analysis of the Hamas’ conception of Jihad and Hudna (truce), i.e., studying the Hamas charter, leaflets, and other disseminated informative sheets. Hamas uses the concept of ‘Hudna’ or truce, not directly meant for peace, for subsequent reasons. Firstly, it is possible to achieve ceasefire with Israel through Hudna without recognizing the ‘state of Israel’. Hence it is a legitimate theological concept since Prophet Mohammed signed Hudna (truce) with the people of Quraish in Mecca. Secondly, it includes limited duration of ceasefire so that Hamas will not concede for an indefinite truce. Therefore, this paper argues for further comprehension and research of Jihad and Hudna under the perspective of Hamas and their process of utilizations as tools of foreign policies towards Israel.

4th Presenters: [Mehmet Ali Mert and Cenay BabaoğluUNCONFIRMED

PhD students at Hacettepe University in Ankara

The Impact of Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) to Turkish Foreign Policy

as an International Political Actor

International relations originally covered simply the relations between states and non-state actors were given a secondary status. But political and economic liberalization, technological transformation and particularly the effect of globalization challenged this approach and triggered governance (Benner, Reinicke and Witte, 2003: 18). Thisprocess pave way to the strengthening of international actors as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs). NGOs similar to state, operates in a variety of global policy including participation in diplomacy. This process indicates new types of corporatism and the growing strength of the third sector. The growing role and influence of NGOs in national or international area, non-states actors have become important political actors in the global society. Detomasi (2007: 325) lists the stakeholders of the global governance in four levels: private sector, nation-state, international organizations and NGOs. From this point of view, a civil society organization is going to be examined as a case study in the context of its impact on Turkish foreign policy in the last decade. The growth number of NGOs, the scale of their activities, and the complexity of their transactions has had a major political impact. So international politics and diplomacy are not limited to Turkish government. IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation as an Islamic based institution can be considered as an effective actor in Turkish policy, both in national and international level without restricting its activities to a particular group, nationality, or country. IHH was set up to deliver humanitarian aid as a voluntary organization. Activities of the foundation began in 1992 and were institutionalized in 1995. IHH has reached out to 136 countries and regions in five continents and prioritizes at war-hit and post-war regions, disaster zones, impoverished countries and regions. IHH’s activities in international crisis areas and taking initiatives in human diplomacy such as Mavi Marmara flotilla aid campaign for breaking an Israeli blockade on Gaza, interference to internal conflict against minority Muslims in Arakan, taking active role in prisoner swap and as a mediator in releasing journalists in Syria, raised its influence on Turkish foreign policy. Therefore, the foreign policy of Turkey cannot be understood without knowing role of the civil organizations like IHH. Turkish foreign policy and diplomacy does not operate on some separate planet, cut off from such civil organizations. So, in this research IHH’s role on Turkish foreign policy and diplomacy will be examined in the context of NGOs influence on state policies.

5th Presenter: Yasser Salimi

MA Candidate at the Islamic Azad University

West vs. Islamic World: From Clash to Dialogue

This research wants to argue that dialogue among civilizations and other similar initiatives resulted to a paradigm shift in international relations. After the end of cold war, efforts for defining situation of post cold war era have started. Most of these efforts were made by scholars in US as the only super power in the world that theories made by Huntington and Fukuyama are the most famous ones. After introducing his theory Huntington developed it and answered to critics and did not only make theory and made some suggestion to US government as post cold war strategy. During the cold war attention of world powers to multilateralism decreased and world issues was focused on security and armament. Leaving international organizations such as UNESCO by US is a proof to that. US had been founding member of UNESCO since 1946 but in 1984 left it and in 2003 rejoined it again. George W. Bush administration by declaring war against terrorism and invading Afghanistan and Iraq displayed return of unilateralism and realism. After Obama came to power a U turn is visible in US foreign policy that pulling troops out of Iraq is one example. U.S. did not oppose openly Dialogue among Civilizations initiative in 2001 despite its contradiction to US hawkish foreign policy. Secretariat of international year of dialogue among civilizations was based in Seton Hall University in New Jersey and Leslie H. Gelb emeritus president of Council of Foreign Relations was also member of prominent group of UN SG for dialogue among civilizations. Bush for the first time appointed an envoy to OIC in 2008 and after that Britain and Russia did the same. Though change from clash to dialogue backs to last years of Bush administration. Hillary Clinton also appointed Farah Pandith as special rep. to Muslim Communities in 2009. US joined Alliance of Civilizations Group of Friends after Obama came to power, 5 years after its establishment also shows the change. After Madrid bombings which are speculated to be in response of Spain military involvement in Iraq Afghanistan its PM proposed Alliance of Civilizations initiative. Its main goal is decreasing tensions between west and Islamic world through dialogue and cooperation.

Presenter’s Biography:

Yusuf Sayın is the editor of Strategic Outlook and PhD candidate in International Relations. He earned his master’s program in IR from Selcuk University in 2011. His master thesis was on the role of religion in international relations and IR theories. He currently completes his PhD thesis regarding the relations between Turkey and Iran in the context of integration and unity under the model of Seljuk Empire. He has published several articles, reviews, and translation works. He is fluent in English, Arabic, and German. He also works as English-Turkish translator.

Tareq Sharawi is a Jordanian PhD student at the Alliance of Civilizations Institute of Fatih Sultan Mehmet Waqf University, Turkey. He received his Masters degree in International Relations from The University of Bristol, UK. His research interests include Religious Nationalism and political organization in classical Islamic traditions.

Fadi Zatari is a Palestinian PhD student at the Alliance of Civilizations Institute of Fatih Sultan Mehmet Waqf University, Turkey. In 2009 he received his first Masters degree in International Studies from the Birzeit University, and in 2013 his second Masters degree in Political Theory from the Goethe University Frankfurt am Main and the Technical University of Darmstadt, Germany.

Mehmet Ali Mert is a research assistant in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Hacettepe University, Turkey. He obtained his BA in International Relations at Fatih University (Turkey) in 2006. He also continues his PhD studies at the same department. He works at some academic projects. His research interests include Islamic political thought, political science, Turkish and Middle East studies, state and religion.

Cenay Babaoğlu is a research assistant in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Hacettepe University, Turkey. He also continues his PhD studies at the same department. His research interests include comparative and international public administration, Turkish administrative history, public policy analyses and ICT in public administration.

Yasser Salimi is an MA Candidate in International Relations at the Islamic Azad University Science & Research Branch in Tehran, Iran.

Worlding beyond the Clash of Civilizations: An Agenda for an International Relations-Islam Discourse

Workshop Proposal: ISA’s Venture Research Grant
Worlding beyond the Clash of Civilizations: 
An Agenda for an International Relations-Islam Discourse

Conveners:

Dr. Deina Abdelkader (Associate Professor, University of Massachusetts at Lowell, USA)
Dr. Raffaele Mauriello (Sapienza, University of Rome, Italy) – is the overall communication coordinator.
Mr. Nassef Manabilang Adiong (PhD Candidate, Alliance of Civilizations Institute in Istanbul and Middle East Technical University in Ankara, Turkey)

The theme, purpose and objectives of the workshop:

International Relations (IR) has been defined as a field in recent history by the dynamics of (neo)colonial powers especially with the triumph of the United States as the sole world power in the post-Cold War era. It has been dominated by theories and perspectives that are almost solely built on Western European and American traditions and perceptions of what IR is and what it should be. Theoretically, IR was and continues to be informed by a widespread belief of the secular nature of IR actors (both nation-states and non-states). This secular discourse disregards the impact of religious elements and lacks recognition of the importance of both rational and revealed knowledge equally. Consequently, religion plays a larger role in all levels of analysis in IR.

Mainstream and reflexive IR theories and approaches, e.g. realism, liberalism, neo-neo synthesis/debate, social constructivism, critical theory, Marxism, post-structuralism, English school, etc., have most, if not all, determined a lack of interest in the possibility of truly encompassing, inclusive, and globally based international values and norms distinguishing peripheral contributions beyond the usual European/American IR ontologies and epistemologies. However, following the end of the Cold War, the nature of world politics has been changing drastically, shifting from great power competition to the management of transnational issues and necessity of cooperation among global different actors. 

As a research cohort our research agenda aims at fostering research that is inclusive of Islamic Studies in International Relations theory and praxis. Rather than an all-inclusive alternative theory of international relations, Islam represents a paradigm and research program that emphasizes law over anarchy, community over human selfishness, commitment over inconstancy, ethics over materialism, etc. As one of the foremost world religions and way of life, Islam offers useful elements of comparison and inspiration that can help improve our understanding and vision of international affairs and world politics.

Our major purpose is to publish the first-ever edited volume entirely dedicated to theories and practices of the Islamic civilization and of Muslim societies with regards to international affairs and to the discipline of IR. Hopefully, it will be the first literature that tries to put forward a comprehensive study of comparative research between International Relations and Islamic Studies.

The need for and intellectual significance of the meeting and how and in what ways the project is new, innovative and/or path-breaking and will expand knowledge and understanding in one or more fields:

The foundation of International Relations and Islamic Studies Research Cohort (Co-IRIS) is created and built to explore Islamic contributions to the field of IR on many levels: the theoretical level, and the praxis of international affairs in Muslim societies. The inclusion of Muslim contributions is not meant to create an isolationist, judicious divide between what is Islamic and what is not. Co-IRIS is created to act on the inclusion of that knowledge as a building bloc in the IR field. That is, finding bridges and commonalities between IR and Islam.

Co-IRIS is premised on the idea that knowledge is fluid: peoples adopt and utilize thoughts and ideas regardless of faith, gender, nation, etc. The mainstream idea that all knowledge presented by the Europeans and Americans is from an “Orientalist” perspective or that there is a “clash of civilizations” are both notions that are antithetical to the research agenda of Co-IRIS. Its primal aim is to develop and sustain a body of knowledge that addresses the theories and practices of the Islamic civilization and of Muslim societies with regards to international affairs and to the discipline of IR. 

The workshop aims: 1) to provide synergy between Islamic notions/practices and Euro-American notions/practices of international relations, and 2) to provide an analytic platform whereby the relations between the Western world and the Muslim world are contextualized. That is to say, going beyond civilization clashes to the stem causes of differences and worldviews to provide a theoretical bridge between the existing viewpoints of international relations at large.

How it relates to previous research and theoretical developments, including a list of any recent meetings or publications on the same topic:
A book entitled “International Relations and Islam: Diverse Perspectives” edited by Nassef Manabilang Adiong was published by Cambridge Scholars Publishing on August 2013. It presents the idea of finding a middle way or common ground of understanding between two bodies of knowledge; namely, International Relations (IR), and Islam or Islamic Studies. The book is divided into two main sections; the first being general perspectives from different backgrounds or cases concerning Islam. The second part specifically examines Turkey, offering various perspectives on the significance of this country and its democratic experience. So far, the Co-IRIS team had met on few occasions and will be meeting in two future events:
—A section of 7 panels entitled “Critical Relations between International Relations and Islam” for the 8th Pan-European Conference on International Relations was held on 18-21 September 2013 in Warsaw, Poland. Informal talks were held to some participants and this was the first time Nassef met Dr. Mauriello and talked about platforms of IR-IS Research Cohort (Co-IRIS now).
—As part of the 2nd Exploratory Symposia organized by European International Studies Association (EISA) in Rapallo, Italy on October 31 and November 1, the soon-to-be-founders (Nassef, Dr. Mauriello, and Dr. Abdelkader) of Co-IRIS met. It was an intensive 2-day symposium of Co-IRIS that leads to the establishment of website, edited book proposal, and participation to international conferences. It was also in this meeting that they coined Co-IRIS.
—There were two Co-IRIS panels presented at the 13th International Relations conference of the Middle East Technical University in Ankara. The conference was held on 25-27 June 2014.
—Co-IRIS will be presenting a panel entitled “Co-IRIS: Islamic Perspectives on Theory and Praxis in International Relations” for the 4th World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies on 18-22 August 2014 at the same university in Ankara, Turkey.
—Co-IRIS will be presenting and directing selected papers and panels for the XII Conference of the Italian Society for Middle Eastern Studies (SeSaMO) on 16-17 January 2015 at the Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, Italy.
The format of the workshop, including a statement of how the meeting will be organized and conducted as well as how other ISA members who are interested in the topic may be included on a space-available basis:
This is a publication-oriented workshop. A strict requirement of the workshop is that draft papers will be due one month prior to the workshop, and circulated among participants. Every participant will have read all papers in advance and must be familiar with the arguments made. Papers will not be presented in a traditional panel-format, and authors will not present their own papers. They will present and discuss a paper authored by one of the other participants. Each paper session will last 40 minutes. It will start with the discussant summarizing his/her understanding of the paper in 5 to 10 minutes, and then a 10-minute constructive critique is provided by formulating questions and identifying larger themes relevant to the workshop. Authors will then have 5 to 10 minutes to respond to the discussant’s remarks, before the chair opens up discussion to the entire group for another 10 minutes. We will identify our observers, who also expressed their interest by submitting qualified papers and will be attending ISA, in the coversheet.